marsupilami

He trobat aquest escrit, que forma part d'un llibre sobre el TEK, el coneixement ecològic tradicional (com s'anomena en anglès). L'ha escrit en Fikret Berkes, que és un dels teòrics del tema i que ha fet coses en el món de les pesqueries. És interessant perquè toca el tema de la ciència, també.
El link al llibre és: http://www.idrc.ca/en/ev-9321-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html

"Ecosystems sustain themselves in a dynamic balance based on cycles and fluctuations, which are nonlinear processes... Ecological awareness, then, will arise only when we combine our rational knowledge with an intuition for the nonlinear nature of our environment. Such intuitive wisdom is characteristic of traditional, non-literate cultures, especially of American Indian cultures, in which life was organized around a highly refined awareness of the environment" (Capra 1982:41).

Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) represents experience acquired over thousands of years of direct human contact with the environment. Although the term TEK came into widespread use in the 1980s, the practice of TEK is as old as ancient hunter-gatherer cultures. In addition to ecology, the study of traditional knowledge is valued in a number of fields. For example, in agriculture, pharmacology and botany (ethnobotany), research into traditional knowledge has a rich history. In fact, in comparison to these fields, the study of indigenous knowledge in ecology is relatively recent.

The earliest systematic studies of TEK were done by anthropologists. Ecological knowledge as studied by ethnoecology (an approach that focuses on the conceptions of ecological relationships held by a people or a culture), may be considered a subset of ethnoscience (folk science), defined by Hardesty (1977:291) as "the study of systems of knowledge developed by a given culture to classify the objects, activities, and events of its universe." Pioneering work by Conklin (1957) and others documented that traditional peoples such as Philippines horticulturalists often possessed exceptionally detailed knowledge of local plants and animals and their natural history, recognizing in one case some 1,600 plant species. Other kinds of indigenous environmental knowledge were acknowledged by scientific experts. For example, Arctic ecologist Pruitt has been using Inuit (Eskimo) terminology for types of snow for decades.

Boreal ecologists deal with aspects of nature, particularly snow and ice phenomena, for which there are no precise English words. Consequently our writings and speech are larded with Inuit, Atha-paskan, Lappish and Tungus words, not in any attempt to be erudite but to aid in the precision in our speech and thoughts (Pruitt 1978:6).

There has been growing recognition of the capabilities of ancient agriculturalists, water engineers and architects (for example, Fathy 1986). Increased appreciation of ethnoscience, ancient and contemporary, paved the way for the acceptability of the validity of traditional knowledge in a variety of fields. Ancient ways of knowing started to receive currency in several disciplines, including ecology. Various works showed that many indigenous groups in diverse geographical areas from the Arctic to the Amazon (for example, Posey 1985) had their own systems of managing resources. Thus, the feasibility of applying TEK to contemporary resource management problems in various parts of the world was gradually recognized. As stated in Our Common Future:

Tribal and indigenous peoples'... lifestyles can offer modern societies many lessons in the management of resources in complex forest, mountain and dryland ecosystem (WCED 1987:12).

These communities are the repositories of vast accumulations of traditional knowledge and experience that link humanity with its ancient origins. Their disappearance is a loss for the larger society, which could learn a great deal from their traditional skills in sustainably managing very complex ecological systems (WCED 1987:114-115).

Professionals in applied ecology and resource management fields such as fisheries, wildlife and forestry have been slow to take up the challenge of TEK. The reasons for this are as complex as they are perplexing (Freeman 1989). With the recognition of the value of TEK, the growth of the field has been rapid, however. It should be noted though that most of these contributions have come from interdisciplinary scholars rather than from ecology and resource management professionals.

Book-length works include studies in the transmission of TEK (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977); community-based TEK research approaches (Johnson 1992); application of TEK to development (Brokensha et al. 1980) and to resource management (Klee 1980); detailed biological/ecological evaluation of fisheries TEK systems in Oceania (Johannes 1981); traditional conservation (Moruata et al. 1982; McNeely and Pitt 1985); traditional coastal resource management systems (Lasserre and Ruddle 1983); TEK of northern ecosystems (Freeman and Carbyn 1988), dryland ecosystems (Niamir 1990) and tropical forest ecosystems (Posey and Balee 1989); environmental philosophy and indigenous knowledge (Knutdson and Suzuki 1992); volumes of selected topics (Johannes 1989) and studies of traditional marine resource management systems in Asia and the Pacific (Ruddle and Johannes 1989; Freeman et al. 1991).

A recent volume (Warren et al. 1993) contains an authoritative summary of the various indigenous knowledge fields from a development perspective. Some of the material summarized in it is based on the work done at the Center for Indigenous Knowledge for Agriculture and Rural Development (CIKARD), Iowa State University, which published the newsletter CIKARD News. As of 1993, this newsletter has been superseded by the Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor, the newsletter of the Global Network of Indigenous Knowledge Resource Centers, based in The Hague, The Netherlands.

Defining Traditional Ecological Knowledge
There is no universally accepted definition of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) in the literature. The term is, by necessity, ambiguous since the words traditional and ecological knowledge are themselves ambiguous. In the dictionary sense, traditional usually refers to cultural continuity transmitted in the form of social attitudes, beliefs, principles and conventions of behaviour and practice derived from historical experience. However, societies change through time, constantly adopting new practices and technologies, and making it difficult to define just how much and what kind of change would affect the labelling of a practice as traditional.

Because of this, many scholars prefer to avoid using the term traditional. As well, some purists find the term unacceptable or inappropriate when referring to societies such as Native northern groups whose lifestyles have changed considerably over the years. For this reason, some prefer the term, indigenous ecological knowledge, which helps avoid the debate about tradition, and explicitly puts the emphasis on indigenous people.

The term ecological knowledge poses definitional problems of its own. If ecology is defined narrowly as a branch of biology in the domain of western science, then strictly speaking there can be no TEK; most traditional peoples are not scientists. If ecological knowledge is defined broadly to refer to the knowledge, however acquired, of relationships of living beings with one another and with their environment, then the term TEK becomes tenable. It is what Levi-Strauss (1963) has called the "science du concret", native knowledge of the natural milieu.

In this context, ecological knowledge is not the term of preference for traditional or indigenous peoples themselves. In the Canadian North, for example, native peoples often refer to their knowledge of the land rather than to ecological knowledge. Land, however, is more than the physical landscape; it includes the living environment. Interestingly, in the history of scientific ecology, land was also often used in the sense of ecosystem (Leopold 1949).

To arrive at a definition of TEK, it is necessary to sift through the various meanings and elements of TEK as emphasized in the major works on this subject (for example, Lasserre and Ruddle 1982; Ruddle and Johannes 1989; Freeman and Carbyn 1988). Putting together the most salient attributes of TEK from these sources, one may arrive at a working definition:

TEK is a cumulative body of knowledge and beliefs, handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment. Further, TEK is an attribute of societies with historical continuity in resource use practices; by and large, these are non-industrial or less technologically advanced societies, many of them indigenous or tribal.

Western Science and TEK
There are both similarities and differences between traditional science and western science. Bronowski considers the practice of science (including magic) as a fundamental characteristic of human societies: "...to me the most interesting thing about man is that he is an animal who practices art and science and, in every known society, practices both together" (Bronowski 1978:9). Thus, one can probably say that both western science and TEK (and art) are the result of the same general intellectual process of creating order out of disorder.

There are also major differences, however, between the two kinds of science, some of them substantive and some perceptual. Johannes (1989:5) observes that "the attitudes of many biological scientists and natural resource managers to traditional knowledge has frequently been dismissive." Accomplishments of traditional societies in such fields as agriculture cannot be denied; most domesticated species predate western science. Nevertheless, the existence of curiosity-driven inquiry among traditional peoples has been questioned by those who regard the knowledge of other cultures as pre-log-ical or irrational, thus playing down the validity of TEK.

Opinions differ, but there is a great deal of evidence that traditional people do possess scientific curiosity, and that traditional knowledge does not merely encompass matters of immediate practical interest. Levi-Strauss (1962) has argued this point on the grounds that ancient societies could not have acquired such technological skills as those involved in the making of water-tight pots without a curiosity-driven scientific attitude and a desire for knowledge for its own sake. As Levi-Strauss (1962:3) states it, "the universe is an object of thought at least as much as it is a means of satisfying needs." As Harvey Feit (personal communication) paraphrased it, "moose are not only good to eat, they are good to think."

In general, TEK differs from scientific ecological knowledge in a number of substantive ways:

1. TEK is mainly qualitative (as opposed to quantitative);

2. TEK has an intuitive component (as opposed to being purely rational);

3. TEK is holistic (as opposed to reductionist);

4. In TEK, mind and matter are considered together (as opposed to a separation of mind and matter);

5. TEK is moral (as opposed to supposedly value-free);

6. TEK is spiritual (as opposed to mechanistic);

7. TEK is based on empirical observations and accumulation of facts by trial-and-error (as opposed to experimentation and systematic, deliberate accumulation of fact);

8. TEK is based on data generated by resource users themselves (as opposed to that by a specialized cadre of researchers);

9. TEK is based on diachronic data, i.e., long time-series on information on one locality (as opposed to synchronic data, i.e., short time-series over a large area).

There are exceptions, as always, to the above generalizations. For example, there is evidence from Feit's (1987) work with subarctic beaver trappers that TEK can be quantitative; Berkes' (1977) work shows that Cree fishermen of the subarctic are perfectly adept at carrying out controlled field experiments. As well, of course, scientific ecology can and often does use holistic approaches, and occasionally produces diachronic data.

In contrast to scientific ecology, TEK does not aim to control nature, and is not primarily concerned with principles of general interest and applicability (i.e., theory). TEK is limited in its capacity to verify predictions, and it is markedly slower than scientific ecology in terms of the speed at which knowledge is accumulated. A major way in which TEK may be further distinguished from scientific ecology concerns the large social context of TEK. TEK is not merely a system of knowledge and practice; it is an integrated system of knowledge, practice and beliefs. The social context of TEK includes the following dimensions:

a) Symbolic meaning through oral history, place names and spiritual relationships (Levi-Strauss 1962; Tanner 1979; Hrenchuk, this volume);

b) A distinct cosmology or world view; a conceptualization of the environment that is different from that of Western science of which ecology is a part (Tanner 1979; Freeman and Carbyn 1988; Johannes 1989; Nakashima, this volume);

c) Relations based on reciprocity and obligations towards both community members and other beings (Fienup-Riordan 1990), and communal resource management institutions based on shared knowledge and meaning (Berkes 1989).

Some of the dimensions of the social context of TEK are captured in the following quote from Caring for the Earth:

Hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering or herding continue to be major sources of food, raw materials and income. Moreover, they provide native communities with a perception of themselves as distinct cultures, confirming continuity with their past and unity with the natural world. Such activities reinforce spiritual values, an ethic of sharing, and a commitment to stewardship of the land, based on a perspective of many generations (IUCN/UNCEP/WWF 1991: 61).

Practical Significance of TEK
It follows from these considerations that the preservation of TEK is important for social and cultural reasons. For the group in question, TEK is a tangible aspect of a way of life that may be considered valuable ("for example, Wavey, this volume). For the rest of the world, there are also tangible and practical reasons why TEK is so important, quite apart from the ethical imperative of preserving cultural diversity. The following list is adapted from the IUCN Programme on Traditional Knowledge for Conservation (IUCN 1986):

1. Traditional knowledge for new biological and ecological insights. New scientific knowledge can be derived from perceptive investigations of traditional environmental knowledge systems, as in the case of life cycles of tropical reef fish (Johannes 1981).

2. Traditional knowledge for resource management. Much traditional knowledge is relevant for contemporary natural resource management, in such areas as wetlands. "Rules of thumb" developed by ancient resource managers and enforced by social and cultural means, are in many ways as good as Western scientific prescriptions (Gadgil and Berkes 1991).

3. Traditional knowledge for protected areas and for conservation education. Protected areas may be set up so as to allow resident communities to continue their traditional lifestyles, with the benefits of conservation accruing to them. Especially where the local community jointly manages such a protected area, the use of traditional knowledge for conservation education is likely to be very effective (Gadgil et al., in press).

4. Traditional knowledge for development planning. The use of traditional knowledge may benefit development agencies in providing more realistic evaluations of environment, natural resources and production systems. Involvement of the local people in the planning process improves the chance of success of development (Warren et al. 1993).

5. Traditional knowledge for environmental assessment. People who are dependent on local resources for their livelihood are often able to assess the true costs and benefits of development better than any evaluator coming from the outside. Their time-tested, in-depth knowledge of the local area is, in any case, an essential part of any impact assessment (Johannes, this volume).

In addition to these practical uses for TEK, it is also significant, as Carl Hrenchuk (personal communication) has pointed out, that a newfound awareness of TEK in mainstream western society can enhance our appreciation of the cultures that hold this knowledge. As well, the recording of such knowledge is significant in the political realm as a tool for social change. For example, the TEK of northern Canadian indigenous peoples as recorded by Nakashima, Hrenchuk and Tobias in this volume provides insight into the life of the people of these communities, and makes southern governments take this knowledge more seriously.

In the past, western science alone provided biological and ecological insights, the knowledge base for resource management, conservation, development planning and environmental assessment. At this stage of the development of TEK, it is possible to say that indigenous peoples and the knowledge held by them do have something to contribute to each of the above areas. But traditional knowledge is complementary to western science, not a replacement for it (Knudtson and Suzuki, 1992).

However, just what TEK can contribute and how is yet to be operationalized. As well, the question remains as to how scientific knowledge and TEK can be integrated â€” and whether such integration is desirable in the first place. Rooted in different world views and unequal in political power base, these two systems of knowledge are certainly not easy to combine. Serious attempts at integration inevitably come up against the question of power-sharing in decision-making. Many of the chapters in this volume are contributions towards exploring and resolving these issues.